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U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo walks with Senegal's Foreign Minister Amadou Ba at the Presidential Palace in Dakar, Senegal, February 16, 2020. /AP Photo
**Editor's note: **Stephen Ndegwa is a communication specialist, writer and analyst on China-Africa affairs. The article reflects the author's views, and not necessarily those of CGTN.
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is on an official visit to sub-Saharan Africa this week. The three-nation Africa tour kicked off in Senegal on February 16. Presently in Angola, Pompeo will wrap up his tour in Ethiopia on Wednesday.
This is Pompeo's first trip to Africa since he was appointed America's top diplomat in April 2018. Observers also see Pompeo's visit on the backdrop of China's State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi's five-day official visit to Egypt, Djibouti, Eritrea, Burundi and Zimbabwe from January 7 to 13 this year.
Indeed, in recent years, the U.S. has become very wary of China's increasing global influence, particularly in Africa, where the last two decades have recorded massive infrastructural and project investments by China.
Pompeo could have set the tone of his trip on the New Year, when he warned of China's "dangerous influence" on Africa. He stated that Chinese investment fuels "corruption," and undermines the rule of law in the continent. Ironically, he offered a "virtuous U.S." as an alternative to China's "hegemony."
From the foregoing, the geo-politically neutral Senegal looks like a perfect candidate for U.S. overtures. But the choice of Ethiopia on the itinerary, one of China's top ally in Africa, could be aimed at gauging how relations between the two countries have been affected after the COVID-19 outbreak.
This smells of opportunism by the U.S., who might be trying to exploit any economic cracks or diplomatic tensions in Sino-Ethiopia relations. Ethiopia is yet to join countries that have totally stopped direct flights to China, preferring to cut down its current weekly flights to the country's destinations by 33 percent.
Pompeo's tour could also be a study of where America's bread is more buttered, economically and strategically, between Africa and the Middle East. His tour also includes Saudi Arabia and Oman starting February 19. The common themes running through his tour are security, economic ties and shared values.
However, once bitten, twice shy. The point of departure between the West and Africa was the unbearable U.S.-inspired conditions set for continued aid and overall development assistance to African countries. Many countries' economies have never recovered from some of punitive aid conditions.
America's growing lackluster relations with Africa have been evident since the first U.S. African-American President Barack Obama, who has Kenyan roots, failed to make any impact on the land of his ancestors.
Obama visited Africa in July 2015 in what appeared as a face-saving tour. Sadly, the trip ended controversially due to his promotion of gay rights in Africa.
The feeling is mutual. Africa does not expect much favor from America, more so during U.S. President Donald Trump's presidency. Trump's administration does not seem to have any agenda, strategy or policy for the continent of 1.2 billion people.
Trump has not hidden his disdain for African countries. In January 2018, he referred to various African nations as "shit-hole countries," during a closed-door meeting with cabinet members and congressional leaders.
On February 6, Trump imposed new travel bans on four African countries. The bans severely restrict U.S. visas for citizens of Eritrea, Nigeria, Sudan and Tanzania for failing to meet U.S. security and information-sharing standards.
It is doubtful whether Pompeo will talk about the flagship African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), the U.S. Trade Act enacted in May 2000. AGOA aims at enhancing market access to the U.S. for qualifying sub-Saharan African countries. The initiative has since been renewed to 2025.
But even with noble intentions, the impact does not reflect favorably on African economies. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. imports from sub-Saharan Africa in 2016 totaled 20.1 billion U.S. dollars, a 6.9 percent decrease from 18.7 billion U.S. dollars in 2015, and accounted for 0.9 percent of total U.S. imports from the world.
Statistics from AGOA show the beneficiary countries' trade surplus has been declining as a result of lower oil prices and export volumes of commodities, which accounts for the bulk of African exports to America. Combined two-way goods trade in 2015 was valued at 36 billion U.S. dollars – 2014: 50 billion U.S. dollars, 2013: 61 billion U.S. dollars, 2012: 66 billion U.S. dollars.
Moreover, AGOA is used as carrot and stick, with the U.S. administration determining whether countries have met the published eligibility requirements.
Pompeo's visit to Africa also comes a couple of weeks after the 33rd Ordinary Summit of the African Union, which ended in Addis Ababa on February 10. The theme of this year's annual summit focused on curbing the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the continent.
But Pompeo did not address this issue directly. He should have offered direct assistance to stop the menace and help bring to book illegal arms dealers. Another area that Pompeo seems to have given a wide berth is the U.S. support, if any, for the African Continental Free Trade Area, a homegrown initiative that may not be ideal to American interests.
Clearly, not much is expected or anticipated in Africa from Pompeo's visit. The tour is even devoid of nostalgic value. Behind closed doors, they could be saying, "Blame it on China!"
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